GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)整理：私人支票.

　　GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)的重要性毋庸置疑，如果我們能夠在考前看了一定數(shù)量的GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)，而在考試中能夠遇到一篇兩篇的無疑很好，即使不遇到在看了大 量的GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)，也往往有助于考生取得好成績。以上就是一篇關(guān)于私人支票的起源的GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)，希望可以幫到大家。

　　一、考古原文(有多位狗主說：不是原文 但是高度仿真)：

　　Despite the growing availability and acceptance of electronic payment instruments—such as credit cards, debit cards, and automated clearinghouse (ACH) payments—by far the most popular noncash payment instrument used in the United States is the paper check. In 1995, approximately 80 percent of all noncash transactions were made by check (Bank for International Settlements, forthcoming). Furthermore, although use of electronic instruments has grown in the past several years, check use has grown as well: between 1987 and 1993, the average annual number of payments per capita increased by 26 payments for electronic instruments, but by 31 payments for checks (Humphrey, Pulley, and Vesala, forthcoming). Clearly, individuals and businesses are not rapidly shifting away from checks to electronic instruments.The popularity of checks persists even though checks cost society more to produce and process than do electronic instruments. According to standard economic theory, that may be a sign that the market for payment instruments is not working properly. In general, in an ficient market, when competing goods are available and one costs society more, the prices of the goods will re?ect the relative costs of the resources used to produce them, and the cheaper good will be substituted for the more expensive. In this way, society uses its resources to produce only the particular goods it wants in the particular amounts it wants. In other words, resources are used ficiently. When use does not shift to the cheaper good, either the goods are not close substitutes or the market has failed, and there is a potential role for a public authority to attempt to correct the failure. Market failure is a commonly accepted view of what’s happened in the market for payment instruments. According to this view, the users of checks are the check writers. And for those individuals and businesses, the private cost, or price, of using checks has been distorted by the value of check ?oat, or the time between the writing and clearing of a check. During that time, of course, the funds can earn interest for the check writer rather than for the check receiver. The size of this bene?t is thought to have reduced the price of check use below the cost to society of producing and processing checks. Since individuals and businesses don’t face that higher social cost, they continue to use checks despite the existence of other means of payment that are less costly to society. In short, checks are overused.

　　That view is suspect even if the data still supported it, though. The view seems to assume that only the agent on one side of a transaction—the check writer—recognizes and takes advantage of the value of float. That assumption doesn’t correspond with expected rational behavior. Since float is a transfer payment from the check receiver to the check writer, with no allocative fects overall, rational agents are likely to negotiate a mutually benicial distribution of any significant value of float.7 And, in fact, this type of negotiation is common for large payments between businesses, for which the value of float is potentially large. In practice, many business-to-business payments contractually stipulate payment transaction terms that internalize the fects of float.

　　二、段落大意

　　P1. 米國支票用得很普遍，大概占了大家80%用來付帳得業(yè)務(wù)量，雖然其他的業(yè)務(wù)，比如電子帳務(wù)等在增長，支票還是占很重要作用。信用卡電子卡什么的很方便，不用刷卡的人花錢買，社會(huì)生產(chǎn)成本(social production cost)低。私人支票要印，這樣社會(huì)生產(chǎn)花費(fèi)(social production cost高，又要開支票的人花錢買，為什么私人支票還是那么流行呢?

　　P2. 其實(shí)這種現(xiàn)象是不正常的。介紹說經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中有個(gè)理論就是，在正常的市場(chǎng)下，如果一個(gè)東西比另一個(gè)東西便宜，便宜的那個(gè)會(huì)取代貴的那個(gè)。如果取代這件事情沒發(fā)生，那么就是market failure。個(gè)人支票沒被電子卡取締就是個(gè)market failure。

　　P3. 舊的觀點(diǎn)認(rèn)為，支票沒被取代的原因是因?yàn)橹焙灠l(fā)到兌現(xiàn)會(huì)產(chǎn)生一個(gè)check float，大家認(rèn)為個(gè)人支票還流行的原因就是因?yàn)橘I支票的時(shí)間比用完一本支票的時(shí)間短(買就一瞬間的事情，用完一本支票要好久)，能給使用支票的人帶來好處。由于開支票的人能夠從支票的流通中獲利(從支票開出到兌現(xiàn)的時(shí)間差可以產(chǎn)生利息)使得他們支付的成本被降低。另外，支票的使用只帶來社會(huì)成本，而不會(huì)給支票使用者帶來成本，所以他們一直用，盡管這違背市場(chǎng)規(guī)律。開支票者不需要直接支付社會(huì)成本(有題)，所以仍然使用支票。然后作者對(duì)這種這種觀點(diǎn)提出了質(zhì)疑，說因?yàn)榭萍歼M(jìn)步還是啥子的，支票現(xiàn)在從簽發(fā)到兌現(xiàn)的時(shí)間已經(jīng)很快了，產(chǎn)生的這種check float利益很小。而且就算這個(gè)利益很大的時(shí)候(比如大筆錢的支票)，支票接受方也會(huì)考慮這個(gè)利益，通過談判來分享這個(gè)利益。(此處有題目)

　　P4. 有一種新觀點(diǎn)要反駁舊觀點(diǎn), 認(rèn)為實(shí)際上那個(gè)inflator/inflation現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)沒有那么大的影響力了。認(rèn)為這種利息很小，可以忽略。而且私人支票的benit只有寫支票的(cheque writer)能得到。所以在很多商業(yè)往來中，如果inflator/inflation高，收支票的(cheque receiver)會(huì)和寫支票的討價(jià)還價(jià)，希望也能享受到私人支票的benit。另外，上述理論家假設(shè)只有開支票方知道利用這種利息，而實(shí)際上，如果這種收益足夠大的話，接受支票的一方也會(huì)通過談判要求共盈(有題)。

　　三、題目

　　Q1. 主旨題

　　V1 解釋了為什么支票一直還在使用的幾個(gè)原因

　　V2 主旨，請(qǐng)注意，原答案，“陳述一個(gè)事件背后的原因”是基于未變體的，現(xiàn)在加了這一段，邏輯和主旨有所改變，我選的是，evaluate一個(gè)事件背后原因，其他的不太靠譜(from考古狗主750)

　　V3 rute conventional view (本月V29狗主)

　　V4 我選的是類似rute conventional view這個(gè)的(本月V32狗主)

　　V5 答案忘記了，好像是駁斥傳統(tǒng)看法(思路是文章前面是說支票的使用帶來了float, 而且writer不需要面對(duì)這些成本。最后一段駁斥，說float 的影響現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)沒有這么大了，而且receiver會(huì)協(xié)商，含義就是傳統(tǒng)的解釋支票繼續(xù)大量使用的原因是不正確的)

　　個(gè)人認(rèn)為“解釋支票為什么繼續(xù)使用的原因”這個(gè)選項(xiàng)不太對(duì)。 (from考古狗主770)

　　V6“陳述一個(gè)事件背后的原因”是基于未變體的，現(xiàn)在加了第四段，邏輯和主旨有所改變，我選的是，evaluate一個(gè)事件背后原因，其他的不太靠譜

　　Q2. 高亮 technology，問作用。

　　減少從寫到收的時(shí)間

　　distort the check float (本月V29狗主)

　　Q3. 是什么令check能夠在Market繼續(xù)使用?

　　一個(gè)選項(xiàng)是interest rate降低了,

　　一個(gè)是可以negotiate.

　　Q4. 作者提到了現(xiàn)在因?yàn)榭萍嫉倪M(jìn)步，支票的簽發(fā)與兌現(xiàn)很快了，是為什么?

　　A. 是為了說明支票從簽發(fā)到兌現(xiàn)的時(shí)間縮短了

　　B. 是為了說明支票從開出到兌現(xiàn)產(chǎn)生的float的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益沒用這么大了

　　我選了B

　　Q5. 對(duì)那些支持第三段中老觀點(diǎn)的人來說，以下哪個(gè)選項(xiàng)是正確的

　　因?yàn)槟撤N原因(記不清楚了)支票的使用只帶來社會(huì)成本，而不會(huì)給支票使用者帶來成本，所以他們一直用 (本月V29狗主確認(rèn))

　　Q6. 從這個(gè)文章可以infer出支票接受者對(duì)支票產(chǎn)生的check float的態(tài)度?

　　支票接受者會(huì)通過談判來保護(hù)自身的利益(也就是要求分享check float)

　　就是強(qiáng)調(diào)他們也negotiate 保護(hù)自身利益那個(gè)選項(xiàng) (本月V29狗主確認(rèn))

　　Q7. 第四段正確的話，以下何者正確

　　說float的影響(或價(jià)值)被夸大了 問題不準(zhǔn)確，答案還蠻確定

　　Q8. 最后一段說支票處理更有效率是作者假設(shè)?/ highlight: "the ficiency of processing checks" 的意思是什么?

　　減少了支票收與付的時(shí)間 (確定為正確選項(xiàng)，因?yàn)閒loat的金額由時(shí)間和利率兩個(gè)因素決定，這里就是第一個(gè)因素) (from考古狗主770)

　　我選的是the gap of...is small (好像大概意思是說 receiver很快就能拿到錢)

　　我選的減少了寫支票到收支票的時(shí)間。(本月V32狗主)

　　Q9. 作者會(huì)認(rèn)同哪個(gè)觀點(diǎn)?(題目大致就是這個(gè)意思)(本月)

　　E：當(dāng)flate 金額比較大時(shí)，receiver會(huì)采取措施來減少自己的損失(考古狗主770)

　　Q10. 傳統(tǒng)理論認(rèn)同哪點(diǎn)(本月)

　　writer 不需要直接承擔(dān)支票帶來的社會(huì)成本。 (考古狗主770)

　　Q11. 文章的意思暗指收支票的人怎么樣?

　　收支票的人和寫支票的人都要榨取最大價(jià)值。 (from考古狗主750)

　　Q12. 第三段開頭高亮了舊觀點(diǎn)，然后問這個(gè)高亮的舊觀點(diǎn)指的是什么?

　　應(yīng)該就是第二段里描述的內(nèi)容。(本月V32狗主)

　　舊觀點(diǎn)是市場(chǎng)失靈。 (from考古狗主750)

　　四、備注

　　最長的一篇，四段。

　　反正細(xì)節(jié)題很好定位 結(jié)構(gòu)很清楚 不難 就是灰常長啊

在這篇關(guān)于私人支票的起源的GMAT閱讀機(jī)經(jīng)，給出了文章的主旨，篇章結(jié)構(gòu)，段落大意以及相關(guān)題目，考生可以有選擇的看看，最后祝大家都能考出好成績。